Student demonstrators who led the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina have rejected calls from Bangladesh’s two main political parties for early elections, with some considering the formation of their own political party to sustain their movement, according to interviews with protest leaders.
These student leaders are determined to avoid a repeat of the last 15 years, during which Hasina ruled the nation of 170 million with an iron fist. The movement, which began in June with a small group of student leaders—mostly in their early to mid-20s—protesting a law that reserved government jobs for certain groups, quickly gained momentum. Within two months, widespread public anger at the government’s violent crackdown on anti-quota protesters led to the downfall of Hasina’s administration. The unrest, marked by the deaths of at least 300 people, became the largest bout of violence since Bangladesh’s war of independence in 1971.
The movement has been hailed as a Gen Z revolution, driven by young Bangladeshis’ frustration over years of jobless growth, accusations of kleptocracy, and diminishing civil liberties. An interim government, led by Nobel Peace laureate Muhammad Yunus and including two student leaders in senior positions, now governs the country.
For most of the past three decades, Bangladesh has been dominated by Hasina’s Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) of her rival Khaleda Zia, both of whom are in their 70s. Mahfuj Alam, a 26-year-old law student and chair of a committee liaising between the government and various social groups, revealed that student leaders are discussing the possibility of forming a political party to end this duopoly. However, Alam emphasized that the decision would be made after consulting citizens and carefully considering their platform.
Although Alam later clarified on Facebook that the students’ immediate focus is on maintaining the spirit of the mass uprising and consolidating the government, other leaders hinted at the possibility of forming a new party. Tahmid Chowdhury, a 24-year-old graduate student and another key figure in the movement, said there is a “high chance” that they would establish a party rooted in secularism and free speech. The student leaders in the interim government have yet to specify their policy goals, apart from broad institutional reforms to prevent a return to authoritarian rule.
The regime change has already led to the removal of several top officials, including the chief justice, the central bank governor, and the police chief who oversaw the crackdown on student protesters. Despite pressure from the Awami League and BNP for fresh elections as early as this fall, the interim government, according to Nahid Islam, a key protest organizer now serving in Yunus’ cabinet, is not considering such calls. Instead, the focus remains on sweeping structural reforms that will take time to implement.
As the student leaders contemplate their next steps, the political landscape in Bangladesh remains uncertain. The interim government, led by 84-year-old economist Muhammad Yunus, faces skepticism about its ability to navigate the uncharted waters of this unprecedented transition. Meanwhile, Sajeeb Wazed, Hasina’s son and adviser, has asserted that the traditional political parties are far from finished, warning that stability in Bangladesh will eventually require the support of either the Awami League or the BNP.
The student movement gained traction after a series of missteps by Hasina’s government, including a controversial news conference where she referred to the demonstrators as “razakars,” a derogatory term for collaborators during the 1971 war. This remark ignited further protests, leading to clashes between Hasina’s supporters and student activists, and eventually, a full-scale uprising.
By late July, the movement had expanded from public universities to private institutions, drawing support from a broad cross-section of society. As violence escalated, with over 114 people killed in one week, even some members of the Awami League began to call for an end to the crackdown. The Supreme Court’s ruling to open 93% of state jobs to competition met one of the students’ key demands, but the protests continued to grow. Eventually, Hasina imposed an indefinite curfew, but the military refused to enforce it, and she fled to India as crowds marched toward her official residence.
The situation in Bangladesh remains fluid, with the student leaders and interim government navigating a complex and evolving political environment. As they consider forming a new political party, the possibility of a significant shift in the country’s political landscape looms large.
